nr. 60 / 25maj 2004

Albania is considered state of fright by the American Department of State

The Government showed a poor image in some aspects of human rights; though the improvements noticed, there are still serious problems. The police whipped or abused on suspected, arrested people and prisoners. Conditions in prisons are still bad. In some cased the police performed arbitrary arrests. Long detainment of arrested people before the process was a problem. In several cases the Government violated citizen’s right of intimacy. Political intervention in mass-media was still a problem. Too much violence was used on protesters by the police, in relation to reports. Actions of individuals eliminated, mainly linked to traditional blood-feud resulted on numerous murders and an atmosphere of fear. Social violence and discrimination toward women and children made serious problems. Social discrimination toward religious and ethnic minorities, especially toward gipsy and Egyptians, kept on. Children’s working was a problem too. Another problem was trafficking of people, about which the Government undertook some steps.

Arbitrary or illegal deprivation of life

No political murders were reported; nevertheless, security people killed an individual during the year. On January, the police in Korça arrested and whipped Gazmend Tahirllari, who died in a local hospital, shortly after being set free from the arrest. An official covering report followed, where alcoholism was reported as the cause of death; nonetheless, under the pressure used by the People’s Lawyer the case was retried and the result was that Tahirllari died because of cerebral hemorrhage caused by hits on his head. The Public Order Minister fired the Police Director and the Commissariat Principal, as well as six officers directly involved in the beating were prosecuted. They were condemned (one of them in the absence) on March, and their condemnation varied from 4 months to 16 years of imprisonment.

The country kept on experiencing high levels of violent crime. Numerous murders occurred in the entire country as a result of individual or “vigilant” clan actions linked with traditional “blood-feud” or conflicts amongst criminal gangs. According to the Minister of Public Order, over 14 people were killed because of blood-feud, which are based on the medieval statute-book of Lek Dukagjini (the “Kanu”), practiced mostly by individuals in the northern area of the country. The NGO, Committee of National Reconciliation esteemed that 1,370 families were living closed in their houses and 711 children were kept away from school as fearing revenge.

Extinctions

No reports on politically motivated extinctions were given. On May, three ex-functionaries of SIS were arrested as far as the kidnapping of Ziso Kristopulli and Remzi Hoxha on 1995 is concerned. Even though Kristopulli was set free at the end, nothing was known about where Hoxha was. According to the prosecutor, the three ex-functionaries of SIS - though not officially accused - were suspected for kidnapping and torturing Hoxha. Two of the functionaries were arrested - one was kept in prison and the other was on parole - and the third suspected was no more considered such. At the end of the year, the case was still opened.

Tortures

The Constitutions forbids such actions and the Penal Code considers its use as a crime punishable up to 20 years of imprisonment, nevertheless the police in some cases whipped and tortured the suspected. The police, in some cases abused and tortured the arrested underage. According to reports of CRC from the year 2000, the police used menaces, violence and tortures several times in order to obtain confession. In a reported case, police officers tried to force a 15 years old boy to admit the stealth, by knocking his legs and hands for several hours. Another case is reported where police officers kept a 17 years old boy’s head under water to obtain his confession. AGHR (Albanian Group for Human Rights) pretended that the little community of homosexuals in the country became the target of the police.

Conditions on prisons and centers of arrest were still bad, despite the efforts made by Government to approach problems like bad environments and overfilling. According to EU Section on Judiciary Reform, Operation of Asylum and Migration, the arrested people had limited access to toilet and bathroom, insufficient food and these space limitations in some cases kept them from involving in religious practices. The staff of prisons had a poor training. Prisoners and arrested people caused troubles in Shkodra, Peshkopia, while hunger-strike was organized in Vlora, Berat and Permet, to protest against bad conditions of life.

Arbitrary arrest, detention or expulsion

The Constitution forbids arbitrary arrest and detention; nonetheless, the police, in some cases arrested and detained people arbitrarily. Law observation was generally poor. Unprofessional behavior and corruption are the big obstacles for developing an effective civil force by the police. Corruption remains a problem amongst police forces, while low wages and uncontrolled corruption in the entire society makes the problem hard to fight. Internal Inspection Office (IIF) within the State’s Police was focused on fighting internal corruption and other forms of official infraction. Efforts of IIC resulted in high level arrests, including the arrest of the Principal of the Airport of Rinas Police and three other officers, on June, for contraband of migrants without documents, as well as the arrest of the ex-Principal of the Police in the Regional Commissariat of Vlora, for cocaine smuggling.

Freedom of Speech and Press

The Law on Basic Human Rights and Freedom provides the freedom of speech and press, and the media was active and generally unlimited, however basic serious problems were noticed on the use of media for political motives. Political involvement in media was still a concern. Editors and newspapers’ proprietors frequently used to redact stationery for their own political and economical interests. Daily total circulation of all the newspapers was estimated in 76,500. Political parties, syndicates and various associations and groups published their own newspapers and magazines. Dissenter media was active, yet was restrained by limited professionalism and lack of financing. Physical violence was used on journalists sometimes; politicians, discontent about media rendering, sometimes attacked or menaced members of media. On October, the TV journalist, Ilir Babaramo accused the Public Order Minister, Luan Rama, for physical attacks against him in a public local. By the given reports, Rama was angry about disadvantageous report given by Babaramo on the general number of unresolved sensational crimes, during the mandate of Rama. Press reports showed that Rama’s bodyguards had also kicked and hammered Babaramo until the intervention of those present. Journalist groups and human rights organizations demanded for Rama to leave his office; Rama, an ex-journalist, gave resignation two days later.

The Government didn’t limit the access in internet; nevertheless, less than 1% of the population had access in internet, for it was too expensive. The Government didn’t limit academic freedom.

Freedom of movement

Organized criminal gangs made of the trafficking of illegal immigrants - Albanians, Curds, Pakistani, Chinese, Turkish and others from Middle East and Asia - a lavish business. Since continuous efforts to effectively intercept and destroy motorboats closed the way toward Italy, land ways were then used for trafficking, going through Macedonia or Montenegro, or using false documents to leave the country by airplane or raft.

The right of citizens to change their government

The preliminary report of ODIHR emphasized that the problems of elections of October 2003, were still there. Many citizens, for example, couldn’t vote for their names didn’t appear in the voting lists. The members of electoral commissions for local elections and those in the commissions of the voting centers were poorly trained and didn’t know the new electoral code as well as the main instructions from ECC (Elections’ Central Commission). In the after elections’ period, many legal challenges resulted about elections, by the parties that lost in various areas, including the two main cities, Tirana and Durrës.

On November, in Himara, -an area where a large number of people pretends to have Greek origin - there was a recurrence of elections, after reports for serious irregularities on voting. Even though the nationalist members of the local SP tried to manipulate the result of elections, falsifying the results, ECC send those results back and verified that the candidate of UFHRP (the Union For Human Rights Party) - representing the interests of minorities of the country, including the Greek minority - had won the elections. Recurrence occurred on December even in 118 voting centers of Tirana; participation was very poor and a few important irregularities were reported.

Local elections in general, were a huge step forward with a good performance of the police, as well as local officials of elections and elections’ institutions. Elections were however damaged by the political leadership of two main parties, who refused to acknowledge the results they didn’t like.

Several political parties took part in the political system; the Socialist Party (SP) and DP were the largest that kept most of the seats in the Parliament. The SP, formed by the old Communist Party in 1991, was the governing party during the year. Its’ coalition at the end of the year included UFHRP and the Social-Democrat Party. The Boss of the SP, Fatos Nano, was also the Prime Minister. The DP, led by the former President Sali Berisha, was the main party in opposition to the Government.

Women

Violence against women as well as conjugal abuse still remains a serious problem. In the society of the country that is traditionally dominated by males, cultural admittance as well as the poor response of the police were the causes most of the abuses were not reported.

Children

Government’s consecration for children’s rights and welfare is codified in the law of the country; nonetheless, in practice there was limited consecration. The law provides the right of at least 8 years of free of charge instruction and also authorizes private schools. The school is obligatory until the 8^th year (or until the age of 18, no matter what the soonest). Yet, in reality many children leave school even sooner than the age provided by law, so that they might work with their families, mostly in rural areas. According to a study of the CRCA in 2000, about 38% of the teenagers left school to get a job; however, the Government reported it as 3%. According to the Public Order Ministry, 33 cases of sexual crimes against children were reported during the year. The children’s trafficking, even not so extended, was problematic. There were few cases when criminals kidnapped children from families or orphanages to sell them for prostitution or pedophilia netting abroad, while there were reports for some families who sold their children for trafficking.

National, racial and ethnic minorities

The ethnic Greek minority, led by their cultural association Omonia, followed collectively complains toward the Government for electoral areas, instruction in Greek language, the property rights and governor documents. The leaders of the minority complained about the lack of disposition by the Government to acknowledge the existence of Greek ethnic cities, like Himara, that are not considered as part of the “minority areas” of the communist period; to use the Greek language in formal documents and public boards in Greek ethnic areas; to effectively treat the crimes against ethnic Greeks, especially the claim that collective properties were taken illegally through false documents, sometimes supported even by the courts; to define the dimensions of the ethnic Greek population; as well as to involve a large number of ethnic Greeks in the public administration.

Public elementary schools were common in most of the southern area of the country, where most of the ethnic Greeks used to live. Every village of this area had its elementary - eight years school in the Greek language, despite the number of pupils, while Gjirokastra had two secondary schools. Omonia said that nonetheless, the ethnic Greeks needed more instruction within the so called minority areas.

The ethnic Macedonians lived mostly in the area of Pogradec, Devoll and Prespa, near the border with Macedonia; a little group of ethnic Montenegrins and Serbs lived in the northern area of Shkodra; the gipsy lived in the southern area.

The gipsy and Egyptian communities were the most neglected groups of the society.

People’s trafficking

The law forbids the trafficking of people and punishes those involved; nevertheless, the trafficking of people, especially of women and children, is still a serious concern. Corruption and the involvement of the police in trafficking was a concern. A problem was the lack of prosecution for those involved in trafficking; on the other hand the police and prosecutors pretended to have dismissed 28 trafficking groups during the year. Those arrested were frequently set free for missing evidence, and if condemned, were often accused for easy crimes or were condemned less than what was required for trafficking. In April, Albanian and Italian authorities arrested some members of a trafficking net of children that worked outside the seaport-city of Durrës in the Adriatic, including an employee in the Seaport of Durrës and the principal of the local office of SIS. During investigation, which went on for two years in both sides of the Adriatic, the police could save 30 Albanian children and arrested 40 people. The reports against the employees of the Customs and SIS didn’t go to the court until the end of the year. On September, an anti-trafficking regional broom called Mirage II, resulted in 125 arrests for various forms of trafficking, prostitution and smuggling.

The territory was used as a source as well as a transitory territory, mainly for the women and children, for their sexual use and for begging; however, the number of the Albanians and foreigners affected by trafficking toward other countries, decreased. The country was a transitory territory for the trafficked women and girls, because of the poor inspection of the border, corruption and the closeness to Greece and Italy. Most of the trafficked women and girls were send to Italy, Greece and few of them in other European countries like Belgium, United Kingdom and Holland. Nevertheless, the illegal transition in the country had a significant decrease since 2002, mostly because of the successful interruption of the illegal trafficking by motorboats through Adriatic. Traffickers used land ways like Albania-Macedonia-Greece or prepared false documents to transport their victims by airplane or raft.

The foreign women and girls in transition, were mostly from Moldavia and Romania and less from Ukraine, Russia, Serbia, Montenegro (Kosovo) and Bulgaria. In a typical way, the traffickers confiscated the documents of the victims, ill-treated them physically and sexually and often forced them to work as prostitutes before they left the country. Both Albanian and foreign women used in trafficking by the Albanian groups of organized crime, were abused, tortured and raped. Traffickers also might menace even many of the members of their families.

The police was often either directly or indirectly involved in trafficking. Few police-men and no government employee were investigated for trafficking during the year. Lawyers and judges were manipulated and were fixed, permitting traffickers to by their freedom or punishment, if arrested. The unity Anti-Trafficking within the Sub-Directory for the Organized Crime as well as an Internal Inspection Office in the Public Order Ministry attended special attention to the involvement of the police in trafficking people. The Internal Inspection Office investigated 266 cases of involvement of police-men in all the kinds of trafficking. Many of those cases resulted in firing or dismissal and an increasing number of functionaries of the police involved in trafficking cases faced arrest and prosecution.

On December, the police arrested some soldiers, suspected for rape and trafficking a 16 years old girl. On December there were reports that 16 years old girl was illegally introduced in the naval-base of Bishti i Pallës, to have sex with seven sailors during a 3 days weekend.

From the Report of the United States’ Department for Albania

Who persecuted Sokol Guraleci?

This question sounds painful,e specially for those who know them and their life in these days when the Albanian society suffers the extreme economical poverty, when the today’s social-communist Government of Fatos Nano has given to the people the worst days of its history, as a government of crime, as it came on power through the organized crime. This question is about Sokol Guraleci, the citizen of Shkodra, but also for numerous others who left their fatherland in order to save theirs and their families’ lives. The Albanian society, their friends, relatives and parents are missing them, yet they have no hope for them to return some day, as this would cost them their lives in this country where the today’s government has installed the Mafia’s neo-communist state. Sokol’s parents, friends of anticommunist ideals in his quarter and the society where he lived and grew up, are missing him since the autumn of 2001. He left that autumn not because he loved to live elsewhere, howsoever friendly might be America, the state he lives today, but there was no other way for him for his life was questioned. This questioning is following thousands of anticommunists in Albania. This is the dilemma that accompanied the association of the former politically persecuted - whose member is even Sokol and his family - who protested during the last days by the Albanian Parliament, but the police of Fatos Nano didn’t spare the physical violence and prison cells for them, just like Enver Hoxha did for fifteen years against them, imprisoning, interning and forcing them to do the hardest works, as well as stealing their wealth. In those protests was also Martin Guraleci, the father of Sokol Guraleci. He protested for himself and for his son who was forcedly expatriated by those red bloodsucker demons who keep as hostage the Albanian society. We as friends of he same ideals and participants in anticommunist protests with him, remember with nostalgia and pain this guy who was forced to leave. It is impossible to forget the sufferings in the prison-cells of the Internal Affairs’ Branch, in the days after the protests of April 2, 1991, when Sokol and many other citizens of Shkodra were arrested and kept for a while, suffering violence in those terrible prison-cells, where was almost impossible to come out alive or return to a normal life. In these days when the Albanian opposition has organized the people to cast out from power the government covered with crimes, the democratic society of Shkodra misses those who gave a great contribution in the electoral campaigns, giving even from their wealth or risking their lives and families for the victory of the democratic candidates. Sokol Guraleci is one of them, forced to leave Albania in the autumn of 2001. Talking these last days with his father and mother, they just groan and remember what we went through along with their son. They remember the summer of 1997, when Sokol was stopped by masked people in Torovica. God saved him for they shot on him and his car’s windows were broken. We knew and didn’t forget those days when communist gangs, who had forcedly taken guns from the arsenal, used to terrorize people and especially the democrats like Sokol Guraleci, even in the daylight, trying to kill them. His mother is more silent. She might be thinking and she surely misses her son, daughter in law, grandsons and granddaughter. Sokol had hard days, but I’m glad he saved his life and family, - she says. She cannot forget the day before the elections of autumn 2000, when masked people came into their house. They menaced, in her presence, to kill him if he would keep on following the anticommunist forces. Oh, God, why don’t you take away these red demons - Sofia says and tear drops fall down her face. These gangs also robbed the fruit of his work, - says the old Martin, who cannot forget the money robbed to Sokol by his political rivals. They keep on telling stories about their son. When we told them we were going to write something in the newspaper, their eyes were brightened. Write, write, my son. Write about Sokol, but also for the sufferings of this people during the power of this communist gang - they said. While we were leaving, Sokol’s mother came to us giving a picture. This is the picture of my son; if you can publish it - she said. He seems closer to me. We took the picture promising to publish it. Who then are those who persecuted Sokol Guraleci and thousands of other democrats? We all know. They’re on power now. They are the same who kept isolated for fifteen years in an extreme pain the whole country. They are the same, and their faithful sons with them, keeping the key point of the State in all the ways and methods, even killing people. They want to keep the undeserved power. They are those who persecuted Sokol and also desolated numerous Albanian houses, in order to have the power they hold firmly.

Alban Perdeleci

The crimes of State in the name of the State

It is a bitter reality now that criminal groups have brutally torn up the State, in the name of the State. This is because justice is anemic, because human rights and freedom is mutilated. This is because the richness of those linked to the power in Albania, which is higher even than that of an American politician, is being hidden under a kilt of family, friendship even Mafia’s or terrorism. Reports reach only the political sphere and never that legal, in Albania. Many times the Prime Minister Nano accused the executive, deputies, politicians, and many times the former Prime Minister, Ilir Meta and others have accused Nano himself. The law is simply a racketeering that comes up for personal profit. This then reaches down the simple people, which are missing, not only the basic thing, but even the freedom and dignity, receiving even death threats. Our editorial office has a document from the Mission of Nationwide Reconciliation, “Nënë Tereza”, that proves that the Albanian citizen Marjan Frano Shqau, born on May 25, 1977, is in serious danger in Albania, for problems of blood-feud. Many years ago, his grandfather had killed Elez Mali for self-defense and the State didn’t condemn him. Another document from the Party of Legality League, the branch of Shkodra, now in our folders, declare the present permanent danger Marjan Shqau was, until the day he left Albania. The anticommunist legalist Marjan Shqau, as a member and activist of the Youth Forum of this political force since 1996, and its member since September 10, 1997, participated in many activities, also representing in voting centers during the parliamentary elections of 1996, as well as in those local, also representing the Party of Legality League in a voting center for the referendum held on June 29, 1997, about the form of regimen, where monarchy won. He was also in the peaceful protest in Tirana on July 3, 1997, headed by its Majesty, the King Leka I. He also was chosen as deputy in the conferences of this party in Shkodra. He is now a target of revenge to be hit. Even his family and relatives are menaced. The life of Marjan Shqau is seriously in danger especially after the protests of the all right-winged political forces on February 7, 2004, in Tirana, under the exclamation “Nano go!”, where the police whipped, violated and arrested many innocent people. After this peaceful protest, where was even Marjan, criminal forces of the State went around his house, maybe to kill him. What we as journal consider more dangerous however is the fact of the links of politics with crime, what offers a frightening reality.

Sokol Pepushaj

Bajza, the main center of Malësi e Madhe, has little changes, 5 years after the madness of 1999

The northern area of Albania, Malësi e Madhe, is one of the most glorious areas all around the Albanian speaking areas. In special moments of our history it gave conspicuous personalities who had an important role in many areas. This is the area where Bajza of Kastrat, the main center of Malësi e Madhe, was always pointed.

Nevertheless, Bajza hasn’t always had easy moments during the years of its existence. Besides the various invasions, the communist dictatorship, as the wildest in the entire Europe, Bajza experienced the tragedy of 1997 that lasted to the end of the last century.

The tragedy of the spring of 1997 brought a chaotic and very hard situation even for Bajza of Kastrat. The hardest year might be considered the 1999. It was the period when life was more insecure than ever. The State was inexistent. There were all the kinds of trafficking. There was an open trafficking of women from Russia, Moldavia or other countries. This trafficking was normal for the hotels and motels. There were many kidnappings of young girls, even children. The police was unable to stop this giant trafficking net. The guns, considered a common thing in Albania, especially in Bajza of Kastrat, were transported clearly from our country toward other countries. Life was the most unvalued. There were many who used forfeiture as a way of living, this mostly toward the little merchants, while life was at the edge of death, man was just a target for man and the only way of escape was leaving Bajza of Kastrat and even Albania. In Bajza of Kastrat there was the time of tears and mourning for the bad destiny.

While 5 years passed since the terrible 1999, Bajza of Kastrat isn’t quiet yet, it didn’t retrieve what it lost during these hard years. It tries to go ahead, though very hardly, without looking back. Today, in 2004, many people is missing because of the hard times of 1999, who were forced to escape, leaving back their best memories of life, the memories of the marvelous Bajza of Kastrat, which needs a long time to forget the dear children, now far away from it.

Blerti Delija

Mr. Prime Minister! Who murdered about 6000 Albanians in seven years?

According to the Opposition reports, about 6000 Albanians have been murdered since the bloody spring of 1997, when the gangs broke in the arsenal causing a civil war, what brought to the premature elections of June 29, 1997, when the social-communists, today on power, usurped the power. This number of murders was not disproved, neither other number was given. What is considered a problem, even a crime against innocent people, especially against opposition, however for our journal is that the dictatorial State has killed people. This makes us ask a simple question to the Prime Minister, Fatos Nano: Who murdered 6000 Albanians? If this number is inexact, let him give a number, but let him explain the causes. In all this crime of the State, Shkodra, the main center of the north, as well as of the democratic resistance, was hit the most. The pronouncement of the Prime Minister Nano in Shkodra, who said: “The way Shkodra will love Fatos and the Socialist Party, will be the way SP and Fatos will love Shkodra”, could be considered racketeering. This is the reality however. A bitter reality, for Shkodra is covered by corruption, organized political crime, contraband, medieval revenge etc. This is why besides many murders, wounded and violated, many others were forced to leave Albania to save their lives. The Party Legality Movement thinks that many Albanians leave for their lives are endangered in the above mentioned ways. Such are Bardhyl and Gentiana Kraja, who suffered physical violence, terror, psychological pressure and even murder attempts, several times. Terrorism is evident in Albania. It is very significant the arrest of two people in Perash, who had mobile phones that could be used for detonating mines. This shows that danger is very serious. Bardhyl Kraja and his family was target of the terror, which wanted them dead on January 17, 2004, at about 00:30, when explosive was placed at their house. The house was burned up, but they were safe for they had left Albania before. Many others however didn’t escape death, for the State is incriminated, while according to the Public Order Minister, Igli Toska, about 70% of the police are either unable or linked to the organized crime. Declarations are not enough, however. Numerals are not enough, too. The fight with crime might be very long and hard, for people are being murdered every day and night.

Albert Vataj

Albania, six centuries back with the laws of Canon

Xhoana Nano, the wife of the Prime Minister, Fatos Nano, is the President of the Mission of Reconciliation today. This speaks about the impotence of the State and the power of the Canon of Lek Dukagjini, a law of 600 years ago. The northern Albania, mostly the area of Dukagjin, where the Canon came out, has great problems with the blood-feud. In Shkodra there is an entire district with people who life shut in, protected by them. Their children do not attend school. The State knows it very well, for it is called “the district of blood-feud”, and the Minister of Education, Luan Memushi and his predecessor, Et’hem Ruka have visited this district, after this was published by the independent press. Our journal showed courage and will keep on showing, even though our journalists had death threats, while we reported to the American services about these problems. This time we are focused on this young guy in the picture. His name is Eduard Nikoll Gjonlekaj from Dukagjin. He was born on June 28, 1986. He is a victim of blood-feud, though he has no guilt and he loved life in Albania. His family was in enmity with the family of Pjetër Gjoka. Pjetër Gjoka killed Eduard’s father in the beginning of September 2001, it was Tuesday. The old enmity is hardly forgotten, especially by the mountains of Dukagjin. The grandfather of Eduard had killed for property conflicts, the father of Pjetër Gjoka. Despite the murders, the conflict of property was not solved. The enmity goes deeper, for two weeks after the murder of Nikoll Gjonlekaj, the killer went to the house of Eduard Gjonlekaj, along with his two sons, and found Eduard’s mother, Dila, telling her that he avenged his father, but the others should leave Albania. He gave them two weeks for this, after what he would kill Dila and her son, Eduard, and would also burn their house and everything they had. Eduard was not at home for the moment, but somewhere out, playing with his friends. As soon as he went home, his mother told him the happening and he left. This guy’s life is in serious danger today, so he probably has left toward western countries, like many others too.

Denada Kraja

The discrimination of gipsy families - a man dead for trying to save the life of two gipsy people

Kol Gjokaj was shot dead on May 14, 2004 as he was trying to save the lives of two Roma at their store in Hot, Bajzë. Tom Alia and his son, Leonard Alia, had moved from Lagjja “Iliria” in Shkodra to Hot some years ago. They also opened a store in Hot with mixed articles, where Leonard would operate it.

Their neighbors did not want gypsies to be in their neighborhood even less to have them operate a store in their neighborhood. The dispute rose to a high level and neighbors pulled the trigger at them as they were working in their store. According to some witnesses around the scene, Tom Alia and his son, Leonard Alia, escaped by miracle a spray of bullets, while the white man, Kol Gjokaj, who tried to save them, was pronounced dead.

According to some confidential sources Leonard Alia was beaten by the police in his store too, not long ago, just because he was e gipsy. Even though he required medical treatment the Office of Internal Affairs has not undergone any investigations for the police officers, who acted brutally against the young man.

What concerns most is the fact that the police and the government have no intervened to stop these incidents from occurring. The life of the gipsy is at risk everyday, not to mention their economical, social and political deprivation.

Sokol Pepushaj