nr. 61 / 25 qershor 2004
|
Durrës
and the inhuman slaughter It would have been very
interesting if we knew how a bright-minded like Voltaire, who defined the
history of his time as a view of misery and crimes, would describe the dark
time of the Second World War, if he would experience it, when the greatest
diabolic persons of the entire humanity, named with the detestable names like
Hitler, Gables, Himler, Gering, Ajhman
and demon, practiced the horrendous concentration-camps, where within areas
surrounded by barbed wires, watchdogs and towers equipped with “Shars” machine-guns, would be significant the statement
of Walter Scott in a famous roman, where he said: “Te
survivors envied those to whom death spared the great misery that was to
come”. I was browsing the book “Sacrificed and survived”, of the co-authors,
Dr. Sali Hidri and the
dynamic activist Tatjana Bali, dedicated to those
who, as if they were followers of Likurg’s
philosophy, thought that “I wouldn’t prefer life instead of freedom”, what
caused them interment in those extermination camps, I reminded a story from
the life of Saint Augustine, who, when asked “What was God doing before he
created heaven and earth”, answered: “At that time he created hell to send there those who make such questions”. Yet, if the hell, God
created, wasn’t seen by any living people, the ill-famed Nazi-Fascist hell of
Bukenwald, Mathausen,
Auschwitz, Zaksenhauzen, Dakao,
to Pristine, was experienced by millions of men, women, elder and children,
who turned into skeletons, just because they couldn’t agree with the barbaric
invaders, Hunan of the modern times, or just because of the race they
belonged to. Until May 9, 1945, all the fantasy of Dante described in a
masterpiece so shivering only reading it, became a shameful and heartless
reality. Copying his “Hell” until the uniform of the preamble, the wretched
with dressing that remind zebras, discriminated, were equalized with
guinea-pigs used for the cruelest experiments, tortured, shot, killed in the
gas-rooms, burned in crematoriums, thrown in common burial ground with
bulldozers, just as the horrors described by Ana Frank in her diary, Erich
Maria Remark, in his roman, Peter Weiss, in “Investigation”, etc. As
convinced that none doubts of the crimes in concentration-camps, the authors
of the book in voice have focused their attention on those sons and daughters
of the city of Looking at the biography of each one of the interned, whom
the Municipality of Durrës, honored two years ago
with the title of “Gratitude by the City”, one can notice that all of them
were very young, at the age of the beautiful dreams. Their destiny, however:
Here the Nazis shot 104 youth on October 23, 1944, amongst whom Kristaq Boshnjaku. The lawyer Sulo Bogdo, in whose house was
edited the “Bashkimi” newspaper, was shot on
September 1944. And further more, Adli Alushi, Andon Naçi, Ahmet
Ramzoti, Dhimitër Kulla, Dhimitër The ethic code detains me, but
after reading this book, I can’t help but saying that: My grandfather died
very young and my mother was brought up by her uncle, Beqir
Sulo Agalliu, rewarded
“For distinguished patriotic activity”, along with his brother Mehmet. Both
those marvelous men were interned by the Germans in the concentration-camps
where Beqir died likewise many others, and Mehmet
returned back in Albania, for he jumped down from the train that was
transporting them from a camp to another, yet he died while I was about seven
years old, for he was with tuberculosis since he was in the camp. He never
told about what he suffered in the camps of Germany, but after closing his
eyes, in the first page of a notebook he had written a statement from “The
crime of Sylvester Bonary” by Anatoly Franc, which
says: “Pain is unavoidable for life is full of misery; I would teach the
serenity that makes us rise above every misery giving beauty even to pain
itself”. I suppose this was the goal of the authors of the book
dedicated to the interned in the Nazi concentration-camps, a goal worthily
reached by the co-authors Dr. Sali Hidri and Tatjana Bali. Shpendi Topollaj Elbasan:
Property conflict forces Gëzim Balla
to leave his birth-place
It is tragic today when property conflicts are the cause of
murders even brutal. There are almost daily cases. The passivity of law,
divergences of politics with the community, unrighteousness toward
individuals who inherit richness, intentional nebulosity of the politics
aggravating every day more the source of crimes, have caused to grow the
reaction of the civil society, the “Mjaft”
movement, intellectuals and community, and the Parliament and the Government
are openly accused as a threat for the future of Albania. These conflicts are growing deeper in the rural areas, where
illegal property usurpation is a fearful reality. On January 20, 2003, in the
village Labinot Mal of Elbasan,
the citizen Hysë Duka,
that had usurped illegally the property of the citizen Sherif
Balla, had started a tragic conflict. As a result, Sherif Balla went as far as to
kill Hysë Duka. The
family Duka is now ready to take revenge on the
family Balla. There were made efforts twice to kill
for revenge Gëzim Balla,
the adopted son of Sherif, who is his uncle indeed.
Gëzim Balla, who is
innocent, fortunately escaped the bullets twice and was forced to leave Elbasan and live hidden in a village nearby the northern
district of Shkodra, by some friends of Sherif. Such dark images are being unfolded very often in
these last times in Vasel Gilaj, Lekë Pepushaj The
intellectuals and the State
Albert
Vataj Flash
memories and the broken flashes In the destroying run the
Albanian politics was started, it resembles a furious river running out of
its bed. It runs fast taking away whosoever dares to think about placing a
blind against the fatal overturn. Nano “commands” to imprison the journalists like Mero Baze. The first lady, Xhoana, wants the petrel of the free speech in The bad governing of these last seven years has got such an
image that even militants of the party on power are skeptical if it might
come out anything offering effectiveness, in no political element, except if
the bandage Nano-Meta would be dissolved and the opposition might miss the
days involving in this messed game, while the sensitiveness, consciousness
and need suggest and demand actions to heal some of the many wounds of the
Albanians. No sick could be healed with the nostalgic memories of the time
when he was sound. Even the opposition cannot offer as an alternative the
model of the years 1992-1997. The mule is useful and good in a rural road,
but it looks so unsightly by the roads of Nano, the principal of this country “bloats” as if he the
occident supports him and doesn’t care about anyone. He is applying, indeed,
some kind of invisibility. He might have had some experience occidental in
appearance, yet such experiences weren’t seen. This might not be his fault,
but even because the Albanian politics isn’t motivated yet for such a way.
The politics sometimes offered by the opposition and social organizations,
like the movement “Mjaft” (“Stop”), or those
opening another way, like public debates, analysis, opinions, were not yet
able to make the community conscious about asking for concrete touch, like
Saint Thomas, yet not on the body, but in the social life and the political
moral. The evil in the life of every people cannot come differently, but as a
deposition produced during the years reproduced by politicians. The chairman
of this politics, Fatos Nano, looks like daring to
think this people isn’t mentally able to have an episodic, diary, biographic
or autobiographic memory about the happenings that might be indispensable to
memorize in details. Perhaps he might be interested in a flash memory, like
for example: Remember today what Nano said yesterday, even though he is
“throwing stones” against flashes, to break them, hitting the social
relationships. Wherever the social relationships are wounded, appear symptoms
of damage of that social function leading it in many ways at the same time,
making it confuse, influencing the reduction of the action ability. In these
cases, that society is afraid of its steps. The phobias of Nano are “handsome” however. The sense of fear
of the discontent, which except the opposition and about 70% of Albanians
that disdained voting in the local elections of October 12, of the last year,
that carried Nano, cannot avoid the unwanted help from out of the party. So
it is needed a little Gjinush, a little Milo, a
little Zog that has no flags to fly even in the
royal court of his house. Nano is so using, besides the obstruction once used
by Enver against medias, even interferences,
intrusion and impacts composing political hypnosis to avoid extreme
discoloring of Albania, at least in the map. Such brutal actions toward media, by the chairman of the
Government, seem to aim at stopping the control of the emotions of the
society, prevent the sharpening of the conscience and disallow the separation
of the voters from those that want the voter only to join against those 87%
of Albanians who vote against or abstain. Nevertheless, all then are limited
in their freedom, actions, economy, space… A principal of this conditioning is even the politics with a
King, with the hefty Leka. The message of His
Majesty, coming from the royal court on the mountains, seemingly raised the
consistency of behavior with medicinal of his majesty Nano first, to tell
Albanians: Love me, otherwise, if the King gets you, you’re over”. In a few words, such an action gives the impression to be a
tactic to stop the alienation and increase of weakness that have brought Nano
down, indeed, since he took out the “sword” and “placed” obstruction to the
free speech. Sokol Pepushaj, Albert Vataj
The crisis in Kosovo and the massive expulsion of the Albanians
from their land destroyed the family Rukaj. A
family from Presheva, Zeqir
Sylaj and other seven people found shelter in Kodrabudan, in the family of Shaqir
Rukaj for a few months. Since then threats from the
Serb and Montenegrin secret services begun against Rasim
and Rasim, his only son, to force them cast out the
family Sylaj from Presheva,
against the Albanian custom of welcoming. Shaqir,
an Albanian patriot, instead of casting out that family from Kosovo, takes
part in organizing protests held on those days in Tuz
against the Serb aggression in Kosovo. The police of Podgorica
arrested him for encouraging ethnic hatred, and was imprisoned in the prison
of Shpuza. After coming out of the prison, Shaqir was called by the Military Court of Podgorica as he had refused the obligatory enrollment.
After the family from Presheva left, the life of Shaqir and his family was even more in danger. The secret
services had on their target all those who helped the Kosovo’s Albanians and
encouraged national hatred. Nevertheless Shaqir
couldn’t be forgiven for avoiding enrollment. Having this increasing pressure
along with the danger coming from the secret services, Shaqir,
Lindita and their daughter Argenta
left their birthplace and went somewhere abroad. His parents, Rasim and Bafte followed the
same way, while none knows their address. The Military Court of Podgorica, presided by Major Dragan
Vukadinoviq, based on the Article 318, about the
war time and the danger of aggression from NATO forces, condemns in the absence,
the citizen of Rifat Ymeri |
